Indonesia’s outgoing president has used “Machiavellian tactics” to push his son into high office, human rights groups have warned, amid a resurgence of governments led by “nepo babies” in south-east Asia.
After a decade at the helm of the world’s third largest democracy, Joko Widodo, better known as Jokowi, will hand over power on Sunday – but only after “bending institutions” to cement a dynasty.
Despite limited political experience, reported reluctance and a rule candidates must be at least 40, Jokowi’s 37-year-old son Gibran Rakabuming Raka will become vice-president, in a ticket headed by Prabowo Subianto – a fiery former military commander with a mixed human rights record.
David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, was among the VIP guests attending the inauguration of the new president, Subianto, on Sunday.
“Jokowi completely mortgaged his legacy of transparency, probity, and respect for democracy as part of a desperate deal to cling to power via his son Gibran,” said Phil
Robertson, the director of Asia Human Rights and Labor Advocates, added that even his supporters have been “shocked by his Machiavellian tactics”.
“What’s particularly sad is how Jokowi, who entered politics as a grass-roots reformer looking out for the little guy, became completely corrupted by the political family succession game,” he said.
Patronage networks in politics are nothing new. But Gibran’s ascent comes as southeast Asia witnesses a “striking resurgence” of “nepo babies”, according to Ben Bland, the Asia director at Chatham House, who said it reflects a failure to build robust institutions.
Six of 11 countries in the diverse region, which is home to more than 670 million people, are now governed by the children of former leaders.
This includes Sonexay Siphandone in Laos, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah in Brunei and Hun Manet in Cambodia – a Bristol University graduate long groomed for office, who seems intent on finishing his father’s work to “wipe out” critics, according to Robertson.
Meanwhile, in the Philippines – where 78 per cent of the country’s governors and 73 per cent of congressmen come from families with at least one elected official – the son of Ferdinand Marcos, a dictator toppled in 1986, is now president.
Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr was elected in 2022. While his father once wrote in his diary that he feared his son was “too carefree and lazy”, Bongbong spent time as a governor, congressman and senator before joining forces with another political dynasty, the Dutertes, to get to the top. That uneasy partnership has since descended into a bitter feud.
But Indonesia’s Gibran appears a more reluctant “nepo baby”. According to Reuters, he disapproved of his father’s entry into politics so much that he only attended Jokowi’s 2014 inauguration after his grandmother “twisted his arm”.
For a long time afterwards, he stayed out of the limelight, instead focusing on several food businesses – including a company selling pancakes stuffed with chocolate and cheese.
That changed just three years ago when Gibran became mayor of a small city.
At around the same time his father dropped a campaign to change the constitution to seek a third term in office. Then, in 2023, a court led by Jokowi’s brother-in-law created an exception to the age limit, allowing Gibran to join a ticket before he hit 40.
He partnered with Prabowo, himself the former son-in-law of the ruthless dictator Haji Mohamed Suharto, who staged a remarkable transformation to present himself as a “cuddly grandpa”.
After he won a convincing victory in February, Gibran is en route to Jakarta, having packed the toys and collectable figurines he had on display in his mayoral office.
“Gibran might be reluctant but he said okay, and he danced to the drum,” said Andreas Harsono, an Indonesia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “It’s not only nepotism, Jokowi ruined many democratic institutions in the country to [make his son vice president].”
Thailand, too, has an inexperienced prime minister. Paetongtarn Shinawatra is the youngest daughter of former leader Thaksin Shinawatra, a billionaire who once owned Manchester City football club.
Thaksin was ousted in 2006 but has retained a strong presence behind the scenes – his sister and brother-in-law were prime ministers at points during his exile.
But Paetongtarn, 37, was thrust into the position after a surprise court ruling removed her predecessor. Many commentators have speculated that this was much sooner than even Thaksin had envisaged, and she was visibly nervous in her acceptance speech in August.
“Compared to Jokowi’s son, I think Paetongtarn might be seen less favourably,” said Tita Sanglee, a research fellow at the ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute think tank.
“Paetongtarn held no public office and rose straight to the top without substantial political experience.
“Then there’s the fact that she is a woman. This, coupled with her comfortable lifestyle and apparent preference for high-end fashion brands, makes her an easy target for criticism.”
While being a “nepo baby” does not mean someone is inevitably bad at their job, Sanglee added that the dominance of family dynasties has thwarted competition and warped wealth.
“They can worsen regional disparities since some of these families tend to focus on their own regions or constituencies and not the broader needs of the country. This is a critical point for developing southeast Asian societies,” she said.
“And without proper checks and balances, these families can shape foreign policy in a way that serves their political and business interests, but not national interests.”
